U.S. Attorney Huber Moving to Indict Clintons
and Others
U.S.
Attorney for the state of Utah John Huber was appointed by Attorney General
Jeff Sessions over a year ago to investigate accusations of abuse of power and
corruption at the highest levels of the State Department, FBI and Justice
Department.
A.G.
Sessions mistakenly recused himself from any investigations surrounding
accusations of collusion between the Russian government and its operatives, and
members of the Donald Trump for President election campaign. He was then duped
into appointing Robert Meuller as Special Prosecutor to investigate such
allegations. Meuller immediately appointed dozens of Democratic Party
operatives to the investigation, resulting in no evidence of collusion from the
Trump camp, but a great deal of evidence of collusion between Hillary Clinton’s
team and Russian operatives.
U.S.
Attorney Huber was appointed by sessions not under any special counsel statute,
but within the normal operational standards of the Department of Justice, and
tasked with investigating all those that Meuller seemed reluctant to
investigate—including Meuller himself. Huber was also selected because Sessions
assumed that a Grand Jury selected from among the citizens of Utah would be
willing to provide an unbiased response to evidence of wrongdoing by Hillary
Clinton and those in the upper echelons of Washington, D.C. bureaus and law
enforcement agencies.
U.S. Attorney for the state of Utah
John Huber
Although
Huber’s work has remained shrouded in mystery, without leaks, we have obtained
information from an inside source that Huber has been presenting evidence of
felonious activities to the Grand Jury against several high level government
actors, and will soon be bringing indictments against Hillary Clinton, Bill
Clinton, Chelsea Clinton, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, FBI Director
James Comey, Deputy FBI Director Andrew McCabe, CIA Director John Brennan,
Associate Deputy Director Bruce Ohr, FBI Agent Peter Strzok, Director of
National Intelligence James Clapper, Christopher Steele, and several other
principals of Uranium One, The Clinton Foundation and
Fusion GPS.
According
to our source, the sealed indictments will be made public within the next 60
days.
Autopsy of an Attempted Coup
The
illegal effort to destroy the 2016 Trump campaign by Hillary Clinton campaign’s
use of funds to create, disseminate among court media, and then salt among high
Obama administration officials, a fabricated, opposition smear dossier failed.
So has
the second special prosecutor phase of the coup to abort the Trump
presidency failed.
There are many elements to what in time likely will become recognized as the
greatest scandal in American political history, marking the first occasion in
which U.S. government bureaucrats sought to overturn an election and to remove
a sitting U.S. president.
Preparing
the Battlefield
No palace coup can take place without the perception of popular anger at a president.
No palace coup can take place without the perception of popular anger at a president.
The deep
state is by nature cowardly. It does not move unless it feels it can disguise
its subterranean efforts or that, if revealed, those efforts will be seen as
popular and necessary—as expressed in tell-all book titles such as fired FBI
Directors James Comey’s Higher
Loyalty or in disgraced Deputy FBI Director Andrew McCabe’s
psychodramatic The Threat.
In
candidate and President Trump’s case that prepping of the battlefield
translated into a coordinated effort among the media, political progressives
and celebrities to so demonize Trump that his imminent removal likely would
appear a relief to the people. Anything was justified that led to that end.
All
through the 2016 campaign and during the first two years of the Trump
presidency the media’s treatment, according to liberal adjudicators of press
coverage, ran about 90 percent negative toward Trump—a landmark bias that
continues today.
Journalists
themselves consulted with the Clinton campaign to coordinate attacks. From the
Wikileaks trove, journalistic grandees such as John Harwood, Mark Leibovich,
Dana Milbank, and Glenn Thrush often communicated (and even post factum were
unapologetic about doing so) with John Podesta’s staff to construct various
anti-Trump themes and have the Clinton campaign review or even audit them in
advance.
Some
contract “journalists” apparently were paid directly by Fusion GPS—created by
former reporters Glen Simpson of the Wall
Street Journal and Susan Schmidt of the Washington Post—to spread
lurid stories from the dossier. Others more refined like Christiane Amanpour and James Rutenberg
had argued for a new journalistic ethos that partisan coverage was certainly
justified in the age of Trump, given his assumed existential threat to The Truth.
Or as Rutenberg put it in 2016: “If you view a Trump presidency as something
that’s potentially
dangerous, then your reporting is going to reflect that. You would move closer
than you’ve ever been to being oppositional. That’s uncomfortable and uncharted
territory for every mainstream, non-opinion journalist I’ve ever known, and by
normal standards, untenable. But the question that everyone is grappling with
is: Do normal standards apply? And if they don’t, what should take their
place?”
I suppose
Rutenberg never considered that half the country might have considered the
Hillary Clinton presidency “potentially dangerous,” and yet did not expect the
evening news, in 90 percent of its coverage, to reflect such suspicions.
The
Democratic National Committee’s appendages often helped to massage CNN news
coverage—such as Donna Brazile’s primary debate tip-off to the Clinton campaign
or CNN’s consultation with the DNC about forming talking points for a scheduled
Trump interview.
So-called
“bombshell,” “watershed,” “turning-point,” and “walls closing in” fake news
aired in 24-hour news bulletin cycles. The media went from fabrications about
Trump’s supposed removal of the bust of Martin Luther King, Jr. from the Oval
Office, to the mythologies in the Steele dossier, to lies about the Trump Tower
meeting, to assurances that Michael Cohen would testify to Trump’s suborning
perjury, and on and on.
CNN soon
proved that it is no longer a news organization at all—as reporters like Gloria
Borger, Chris Cuomo, Eric Lichtblau, Manu Raju, Brian Rokus, Jake Tapper, Jeff
Zeleny, and teams such as Jim Sciutto, Carl Bernstein, and Marshall Cohen as
well as Thomas Frank, and Lex Harris all trafficked in false rumors and
unproven gossip detrimental to Trump, while hosts and guest hosts such as Reza
Aslan, the late Anthony Bourdain, and Anderson Cooper stooped to obscenity and
grossness to attack Trump.
Both
politicos and celebrities tried to drive Trump’s numbers down to facilitate
some sort of popular ratification for his removal. Hollywood and the coastal
corridor punditry exhausted public expressions of assassinating or injuring the
president, as the likes of Jim Carrey, Johnny Depp, Robert de Niro, Peter
Fonda, Kathy Griffin, Madonna, Snoop Dogg, and a host of others vied
rhetorically to slice apart, shoot, beat up, cage, behead, and blow up the
president.
Left wing
social media and mainstream journalism spread sensational lies about supposed
maniacal Trump supporters in MAGA hats. They constructed fantasies that
veritable white racists were now liberated to run amuck insulting and beating
up people of color as they taunted the poor and victimized minorities with
vicious Trump sloganeering—even as the Covington farce and now the even more
embarrassing Jussie Smollett charade evaporated without apologies from the
media and progressive merchants of such hate.
At the
same time, liberal attorneys, foundations, Democratic politicians, and
progressive activists variously sued to overturn the election on false charges
of rigged voting machines. They sought to subvert the Electoral College. They
introduced articles of impeachment. They sued to remove Trump under the
Emoluments Clause. They attempted to invoke the 25th Amendment. And they even
resurrected the ossified Logan Act—before focusing on the appointment of a
special counsel to discredit the Trump presidency. Waiting for the 2020
election was seen as too quaint.
Weaponizing
the Deep State
During the 2016 election, the Obama Department of Justice warped the Clinton email scandal investigation, from Bill Clinton’s secret meeting on an airport tarmac with Attorney General Loretta Lynch, to unethical immunity given to the unveracious Clinton aides Huma Abedin and Cheryl Mills, to James Comey’s convoluted predetermined treatment of “likely winner” Clinton, and to DOJ’s Bruce Ohr’s flagrant conflict of interests in relation to Fusion GPS.
During the 2016 election, the Obama Department of Justice warped the Clinton email scandal investigation, from Bill Clinton’s secret meeting on an airport tarmac with Attorney General Loretta Lynch, to unethical immunity given to the unveracious Clinton aides Huma Abedin and Cheryl Mills, to James Comey’s convoluted predetermined treatment of “likely winner” Clinton, and to DOJ’s Bruce Ohr’s flagrant conflict of interests in relation to Fusion GPS.
About a
dozen FBI and DOJ grandees have now resigned, retired, been fired, or
reassigned for unethical and likely illegal behavior—and yet have not faced
criminal indictments. The reputation of the FBI as venerable agency is all but
wrecked. Its administrators variously have libeled the Trump voters, expressed
hatred for Trump, talked of “insurance policies” in ending the Trump candidacy,
and inserted informants into the Trump campaign.
The
former Obama directors of the CIA and National Intelligence, with security
clearances intact, hit the television airways as paid “consultants” and almost
daily accused the sitting president of Russian collusion and treason—without
cross-examination or notice that both previously had lied under oath to
Congress (and did so without subsequent legal exposure), and both were likely
knee-deep in the dissemination of the Steele dossier among Obama administration
officials.
John
Brennan’s CIA likely helped to spread the Fusion GPS dossier among elected and
administrative state officials. Some in the NSC in massive and unprecedented
fashion requested the unmasking of surveilled names of Trump subordinates, and
then illegally leaked them to the press.
The FISA
courts, fairly or not, are now mostly discredited, given they either were
willingly or naively hoodwinked by FBI and DOJ officials who submitted as chief
evidence for surveillance on American citizens, an unverified dossier—without
disclosure that the bought campaign hit-piece was paid for by Hillary Clinton,
authored by a discredited has-been British agent, relied on murky purchased
Russian sources, and used in circular fashion to seed news accounts of supposed
Trump misbehavior.
The
Mueller Investigation
The Crown Jewel in the coup was the appointment of special counsel Robert Muller to discover supposed 2016 Trump-Russian election collusion. Never has any special investigation been so ill-starred from its conception.
The Crown Jewel in the coup was the appointment of special counsel Robert Muller to discover supposed 2016 Trump-Russian election collusion. Never has any special investigation been so ill-starred from its conception.
Mueller’s
appointment was a result of his own friend James Comey’s bitter stunt of
releasing secret, confidential and even classified memos of presidential
conversations. Acting DOJ Attorney Rod Rosenstein appointed a former colleague
Mueller—although as a veteran himself of the Clinton email scandal
investigations and the FISA fraudulent writ requests, Rosenstein was far more
conflicted than was the recused Attorney General Jeff Sessions.
Mueller
then packed his investigative team with lots of Clinton donors and partisans,
some of whom had legally represented Clinton subordinates and even the
Clinton Foundation or voiced support for anti-Trump
movements.
Mueller
himself and Andrew Weissmann have had a long record of investigatory and
prosecutorial overreach that had on occasion resulted in government liability
and court mandated federal restitution. In such polarized times, neither should
have involved in such an investigation. Two subordinate FBI investigators were
caught earlier on conducting an affair over their FBI-issued cell phones, and
during the election cycle they slurred the object of their subsequent
investigation, ridiculed Trump voters, and bragged that Trump would never be
elected. Mueller later staggered, and then hid for weeks the reasons for, their
respective firings.
The team
soon discovered there was no Trump-Russian 2016 election collusion—and yet went
ahead to leverage Trump campaign subordinates on process crimes in hopes of
finding some culpability in Trump’s past 50-year business, legal, and tax
records. The point was not to find who colluded with whom (if it had been, then
Hillary Clinton would be now indicted for illegally hiring with campaign funds
a foreign national to buy foreign fabrications to discredit her opponent), but
to find the proper mechanism to destroy the presumed guilty Donald Trump.
The
Mueller probe has now failed in that gambit of proving “collusion” (as even progressive
investigative reporters and some FBI investigators had predicted), but
succeeded brilliantly in two ways.
The
“counterintelligence” investigation subverted two years of the Trump presidency
by constant leaks that Trump soon would be indicted, jailed, disgraced, or
impeached. As a result, Trump’s stellar economic and foreign policy record
would never earn fifty percent of public support.
Second,
Mueller’s preemptive attacks offered an effective offensive defense for the
likely felonious behavior of John Brennan, James Clapper, James Comey, Andrew
McCabe, Bruce Ohr, Peter Strzok, and a host of others. While the Mueller
lawyers threatened to destroy the lives of bit players like Jerome Corsi,
George Papadopoulos, and Roger Stone, they de facto provided exemption to a
host of the Washington hierarchy who had lied under oath, obstructed justice,
illegally leaked to the press, unmasked and leaked names of surveilled
Americans, and misled federal courts under the guise of a “higher loyalty” to
the cause of destroying Donald J. Trump.
The
Palace Coup
All of the above came to a head with the firing of the chronic leaker FBI Director James Comey (who would lie to the president about his not being a target of an FBI investigation, lie to House investigatory committees by pleading amnesia and ignorance on 245 occasions, and repeatedly lie to his own FBI bureaucrats).
All of the above came to a head with the firing of the chronic leaker FBI Director James Comey (who would lie to the president about his not being a target of an FBI investigation, lie to House investigatory committees by pleading amnesia and ignorance on 245 occasions, and repeatedly lie to his own FBI bureaucrats).
In May
2017, acting FBI director Andrew McCabe took over from the fired Comey. His
candidate wife recently had been a recipient of huge Clinton-related campaign
PAC donations shortly before he began investigating the Clinton email scandal.
McCabe would soon be cited by the Inspector General for lying to federal
investigators on numerous occasions—cynically stooping even to lie to his own
New York FBI subordinates to invest scarce resources to hunt for their own
nonexistent leaks as a mechanism for disguising his own quite real and illegal
leaking.
The newly
promoted McCabe apparently felt that it was his moment to become famous for
taking out a now President Trump. Thus, he assembled a FBI and DOJ cadre to
open a counterintelligence investigation of the sitting president on no other
grounds but the fumes of an evaporating Clinton opposition dossier and
perceived anger among the FBI that their director had just been fired. In
addition, apparently now posing as Andrew McCabe, MD, he informally head
counted how many of Trump’s own cabinet members could be convinced by McCabe’s
own apparent medical expertise to help remove the president on grounds of physical
and mental incapacity under the 25th Amendment. This was an attempted, albeit
pathetic, coup against an elected president and the first really in the history
of the United States.
At one
point, McCabe claims that the acting Attorney General of the United States Rod
Rosenstein volunteered to wear a wire to entrap his boss President Trump—in the
manner of Trump’s own attorney Michael Cohen’s entrapment of Trump, in the
manner of James Comey taking entrapment notes on confidential Trump one-on-one
meetings and leaking them to the press, and in the manner of the Department of
Justice surveilling Trump subordinates through FISA and other court
authorizations.
McCabe
was iconic of an utterly corrupt FBI Washington hierarchy, which we now know
from the behavior of its disgraced and departed leadership. They posed as
patriotic scouts, but in reality proved themselves arrogant, smug, and
incompetent. They harbored such a sense of superiority that they were convinced
they could act outside the law in reifying an “insurance policy” that would end
the Trump presidency.
The
thinking of the conspirators initially had been predicated on three assumptions
thematic during this three-year long government effort to destroy Trump:
One, during
2016, Hillary Clinton would certainly win the election and FBI and DOJ
unethical and illegal behavior would be forgotten if not rewarded, given the
Clintons’ own signature transgressions and proven indifference to the law;
Two, Trump
was so controversial and the fabricated dossier was so vile and salacious, that
seeded rumors of Trump’s faked perversity gave them de facto exemptions to do
whatever they damned pleased;
Three, Trump’s
low polls, his controversial reset of American policy, and the general contempt
in which he was held by the bipartisan coastal elite, celebrities, and the deep
state, meant that even illegal means to continue the campaign-era effort to
destroy Trump and now abort his presidency were felt to be moral and heroic
acts without legal consequences, and the media would see the conspirators as
heroes.
In sum,
the Left and the administrative state, in concert with the media, after failing
to stop the Trump campaign, regrouped. They ginned up a media-induced public
hysteria, with the residue of the Hillary Clinton campaign’s illegal opposition
research, and manipulated it to put in place a special counsel, stocked with
partisans.
Then, not
thugs in sunglasses and epaulettes, not oligarchs in private jets, not shaggy
would-be Marxists, but sanctimonious arrogant bureaucrats in suits and ties
used their government agencies to seek to overturn the 2016 election, abort a
presidency, and subvert the U.S. Constitution. And they did all that and more
on the premise that they were our moral superiors and had uniquely divine
rights to destroy a presidency that they loathed.
Shame on
all these failed conspirators and their abettors, and may these immoral people
finally earn a long deserved legal and moral reckoning.
Dershowitz: FBI Plot To Oust Trump ‘Clearly
an Attempt at a Coup d’etat’
Former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe’s descriptions of
Justice Department meetings where he said officials discussed ousting the
president.
Harvard
Law professor Alan Dershowitz on Thursday
said the Department of Justice’s discussions to employ the 25th Amendment to
oust President Trump– if true– amounted to an attempted coup.
NEW YORK, NY – FEBRUARY 03: Alan
Dershowitz attends Hulu Presents “Triumph’s Election Special” produced by Funny
Or Die at NEP Studios on February 3, 2016 in New York City. (Photo by John
Lamparski/Getty Images for Hulu)
Dershowitz
appeared on Fox News’ “Tucker Carlson Tonight,” to give his take on former FBI
Deputy Director Andrew McCabe’s descriptions of Justice Department meetings
where he said officials discussed
ousting the president.
“If
[McCabe’s comments are] true, it is clearly an attempt at a coup d’état,”
Dershowitz said.
Evoking
the 25th Amendment, Dershowitz added, would be a fundamental misuse of its
original purpose. He said it was originally “about Woodrow Wilson having a stroke. It’s about
a president being shot and not being able to perform his office.”
Video
Dershowitz
said any justice official who discussed the 25th Amendment in the context of
ousting the president “has committed a grievous offense against the
Constitution.”
Dershowitz,
who authored the book: “The Case Against the Democratic House Impeaching
Trump,” further argued that using the 25th Amendment to circumvent the
impeachment process or an election, “is a despicable act of unconstitutional
power grabbing.”
McCabe, who
was fired from the bureau in March 2018 by then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions
after it was determined he lied to investigators about a leak, sent shock waves
through Washington on Thursday for comments he made during an appearance on CBS
News’ “60 Minutes.”
The
excerpts detail the eight days between the firing of former FBI Director James
Comey and the appointment of Special Counsel Robert Mueller. After Comey’s
firing, McCabe was acting director of the FBI.
“These
were the eight days from Comey’s firing to the point that Robert Mueller was
appointed special counsel,” Scott Pelley, the ’60 Minutes’ host said. “And the
highest
levels of American law
enforcement were trying to figure out what to do with the president.” He said
people involved were “counting noses” and considering who might agree to the
idea.
“I was
speaking to the man who had just run for the presidency and won the election
for the presidency and who might have
done so with the aid of the government of Russia, our most formidable adversary on the world
stage. And that was something that troubled me greatly,” McCabe said in one
excerpt, referring to a phone call he had with Trump on May 10, 2017.
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